In part one of this series further evidence was produced to demonstrate that hierarchical mass societies prior to the ones dominated by the capitalist mode of production, were also dominated by the characteristics of increasing levels of production and destruction. Elites in control of such societies always wanted more essential and non-essential material. Consequently, hierarchical mass societies of humans have always exhausted the local supplies of inorganic and organic materials faster than local nature could reproduce them and so stealing resources from other human beings and other life forms, becomes a periodic strategy sooner or later.
In this part two, evidence will be presented that this phenomenon, because it is structural, still continues. Thus on February 4, 2022, before the actual invasion of Ukraine territory, Vladimir Putin travelled to Beijing, and during that visit Putin and the Chinese leader Xi Jinping exchanged a partnership agreement with no limits attached to it. Since that date, China has not condemned the invasion and destruction of much of Ukraine and has supplied military equipment to assist Russia in that dedtruction. The hierarchical mass society system grinds out and reveals it’s own inner logic.
It is clear from this ‘no limits partnership’ that the accrimonious disagreements leading to the well known Sino Soviet split and even a possible Sino-Soviet war during the mid 20th century that those particular tensions are no longer in existence. But it is less well known that there is some close family history involved on the Chinese side. Xi Jinping’s father Xi Zhongxun, became influential within the 20th century Chinese Communist Party and was promoted to (and led) a Chinese-Soviet Friendship Association from shortly after the final victory of Chinese Communist Forces in 1949. However, Xi Jinping’s father was purged by the Maoists for being suspected of colluding with the Soviets.
Despite being assisted by the Russian Communists and having the same ideological framework as the Russian Soviet system the Chinese regime also soon operated on the customary hierarchical mass society socio-economic assumptions that the Russian Communists had already adopted under Lenin and Stalin. The assumptions being a class system of; a ruling elite class; an administrative elite class; and a class of workers in industry and agriculture. In addition, the two so-called ‘socialist’ regimes did not combine economic and social forces but quickly became rivals and competitors, for resources, territory and ideological influence on the world stage.
It is clear that not long after their ascendency, both regimes abandoned their earlier ideological commitment to something they called ‘socialism’ but which was still an authoritarian and hierarchical version of social control and ruthless exploitation of wage labour. The concept of a workers state and workers control was never implemented and campaigning for and world revolution remained nothing more than a rhetorical gesture. Therefore, for multiple decades they have approached each other as hierarchical mass societies both committed to the capitalist method and means of production and both effectively run by one party political regimes. So their no limits agreement needs to be understood in this real socio-economic context. It is not even a renewal of the old state capitalist form of hierarchical mass society. Since both regimes are in open socio-economic and military rivalry with the USA and the EU, the hierarchical elites in each bloc have agreed to have no limits to their mutual support against the NATO alliance headed by the USA and Europe.
It also needs to be remembered that both the 20th century Bolshevik Leninist/Stalinist elite and the 20th century Maoist elite saw their world historic task as to become the leaders and promoters of world socio-economic revolutionary activity based firmly on combining forms of wage labour and state control of past stored up labour or capital. That is to say that their original intentions were to promote political revolutions to initiate regimes that would put into state ownership all the previous private means of production (thus private capital would become state controlled capital) and the regimes communist elites would control the state by authoritarian or totalitarian means. These state-capitalist forms of hierarchical mass societies were always intended to employ the workers as wage and salary slaves, and to replace previous individual or corporate capitalist elites with politically appointed elites.
Ever since their inception, the socialist and communist elites of Russia and China have controlled their wage slaves via their authoritarian bureaucratic and state law enforcement institutions – and have done so ruthlessly. So within less than one generation, that world revolution rhetoric was abandoned in its Bolshevik and Maoist iterations along with their state capitalist forms of economic production, but of course the hierarchy retained the hierarchical mass society form and in due course re-privatised the states capital assets which benefited the new hierarchical elite.
Consequently, both these regimes are now unambiguously committed to the capitalist method of production and commited to the continued existence of a privileged elite to both control socio-economic affairs and to benefit from that enforced relationship. Therefore, they both exhibit the structural motives of production and destruction of inorganic nature in general and of all organic life forms in particular. These highly politicised versions of hierarchical mass societies have just joined the ranks of all hierarchical mass societies and have become a continuing part of the problem for humanity even though some of the elite involved thought themselves to be the solution. But then all elites think that whether they are aristocrats, conservatives, liberals, social democrats, socialists, communists or fascists.
These facts alone should be a reason not to spread illusions that the 20th century petite bourgeois ideological expressions of Bolshevism, Maoism (as with those of Liberal, Conservative, socialist, social democratic or fascist) 9have anything positive to offer 21st century humanity. With this in mind, there is another important reason to reject the suggestions of those exhibiting this 100 year old uncritical and misinformed left nostalgia for 20th century Bolshevism and Moaism. Since many of those individuals and groups uncritically peddling these 100 year illusions in 2024, claim to be influenced by Marx and Engels, it is worth contrasting their own social and historic responsibility with how Marx and Engels dealt with the passage of time and the repetition of old dogmas. In a Crtique of the Gotha Programme, produced by a left faction of the German Social Democratic Party, in 1875, Marx noted that his purpose in writing this criticism was;
“…to show what a crime it is to attempt, on the one hand, to force on our Party again, as dogmas, ideas which in a certain period had some meaning but have now become obsolete verbal rubbish, while again perverting, on the other, the realistic outlook, which cost so much effort to instill into the Party……by means of ideological nonsense about right and other trash so common among the democrats and French Socialists.” (Marx. Gotha Programme.)
The contrast Marx drew between a ‘realistic outlook’ and ‘idealistic nonsense’ and his scathing remarks concerning ideas turned into dogmas and amounting to ‘trash’ and ‘verbal rubbish’, just couldn’t be made clearer. How both Marx and Engels faced up to their own past mistakes and illusions, is also informative in this regard. Writing earlier about the crisis situation during the 1850’s Fredrick Engels, commenting on behalf of himself and Marx, wrote the following;
“But history has shown us too to have been wrong, has revealed our point of view at the time to have been an illusion. It has done even more: it has not merely dispelled the erroneous notions then held; it has also completely transformed the conditions under which the proletariat has to fight. The mode of struggle of 1848 is today obsolete in every respect, and this is a point which deserves closer examination on the present occasion.” (Engels. ‘The Two Tactics of Social Democracy.’)
Now I agree with the statements by both Marx and Engels that neither were ‘Marxists’ as they both publicly insisted at various times in order to distance themselves from such illusions and dogma and I remain somewhat critical of Engels, particularly after Marx had died and was no longer available to correct Engels on his misinterpretations of his ideas. However, the above extract does display a crucially important characteristic they both adhered to. It reveals a level of honesty and humility that both Marx and Engels applied throughout their lives. It emphatically illustrates their ability to publicly admit being wrong and to adjust their assessments of socio-economic developments in relation to the changing conditions introduced by the technological dynamism of the capitalist mode of production. They display a level of honesty and integrity that I have found missing in most of their self-declared followers.
In my sixty plus years of studying as a working class activist and participant observer of the left tendencies of Marxism, Leninism, Stalinism, Trotskyism and Maoism as well as of the many bourgeois political tendencies from Labour, Liberal and Conservative, honesty and integrity have been a routinely absent individual and collective dimension. Never admitting being wrong; rarely diligent in even reading the longer analytic economic and political studies written by Marx; never apologising for misleading others with their often half-baked opinions; and never being embarrassed by lying to (or deceiving) each other and their followers. These political symptoms have become not just a hallmark of the original bourgeois hierarchical elites but also of many of those petite-bourgeois so-called anti-capitalist radicals who claimed to be opposed to the capitalist system and yet who aim to become part of a future governing elite.
So in stark contrast to the 20th and 21st century ‘Marxists’, left sectarians and other bourgeois and petite bourgeois tendencies, Marx and Engels in these and many other extracts, openly noted that their earlier assessments and recommendations could be the result of their own illusions and erroneous notions. More important I suggest, is their recognition; that during their own lifetime, the historical unfolding of reality had on many occasions also ‘completely transformed the conditions under which the proletariat has to fight’. If the most astute and rigorous anti-capitalist thinkers of the 19th century knew that after a short passage of time and after some accumulated material changes, their earlier assumptions were wrong and required a ‘closer examination’, then how much more so, should a closer examination of the relevance of 19th and 20th century opinions and notions be required in the 21st century?
Since Marx and Engels studied the socio-economic system in Europe, there have been Two World Wars, further Globalisation, Automated levels of Industrialised production, 24/7 global Air and sea transport, numerous Fascist type regimes, and the collapse of two supposedly Marxist-led revolutions in Russia and China. Then on top of all that economic and political change we now have climate change, ecological destruction and serious species extinctions, which were all unknown to Marx and Engels. Furthermore, how much credence can be given to those anti-capitalists in 2024 who simply regurgitate and recommend these century old opinions and notions by Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky and Mao and their often context-specific and unconvincing notions, without issuing any warnings and caveats to their readers? Working people would be extremely unwise to put their trust in such uncritical and unself-critical advocates of anything to do with important issues of the future of their own welfare and that of life on earth as a whole.
There is indeed a profound crisis facing anthropocentric focussed humanity and that crisis extends beyond the disfunctional economic, financial, social and political spheres of hierarchical mass society global living. The crisis now reaches deeper than repetitions of warfare and genocide and deep into the very bio-chemical foundations and climatically evolved cycles of life on earth itself. Therefore, it should be obvious that these increasingly deep and wide levels of 21st century crisis will not and can not be understood or negated on the basis of 20th century anthropocentric ideologies with merely the tacked-on addition of an appendix expressing vague ecological awareness on the end of 19th and 20th century type manifesto’s and political party programmes. Unless the extent of the above noted material changes and social crisis within the current anthropocentric hierarchical mass society is reflected in the consciousness of those who have at least recognised there is a serious problem, then the answers to new problems will continue to be cobbled together from partial readings of such dredged up ast opinions. In any case it should be equally clear that simply regurgitating past opinions derived during previous historical stages of the hierarchical mass society systems is no longer good enough.
For example, proposing to peacefully remove the privately owned capitalist mode of production from within hierarchical mass society structures (even if that were possible in reality) and assuming that hierarchical mass societies would still continue on the basis of an alternstive elite who would determine – from their own perspective – what is produced, when it is produced, where it is produced and how much is produced. Similarly, the contradictory anti-capitalist promoted idea that cities and countries of multiple millions can function humanely on the basis of a top-down but self-governing multitude (which was suggested in a ‘left’ document that I read only this month) is pure fantasy. With numerous divisions of labour between those who produce the basic bio-chemical essentials of living (food, clothing and accomodation etc.) and those who consume them, there arise profound social contradictions when the numbers increase beyond a certain point.
There are therefore limits to the numbers who can socially aggregate on that basis without conflict arising and of course with conflict comes the need for social control which in turn leads logically to the imposition of a separate controlling hierarchy with the means to enforce their control. Also for another form of mass society future to be possible, whether some people like it or not, it will need to be one which collectively restricts the amount of production and destruction it routinely engages in. Humanity, needs to reduce it’s own production, consumption and the destruction of natural resources to a level at (or below) the naturally evolved rate of reproduction of all those essential life-forms in the food (and environmental renewal) chains, upon which all life on earth depends. Therefore, to ensure a future for a continued blue (and green) planet, rather than a red one, a radically different form of human aggregation, and a different existential purpose and process of production and consumption for humanity will be needed.
Roy Ratcliffe (July 2024)